New and old: Italy at a crossroad
By Claudio Mazzola
Ph.D.
Division of French and Italian Studies
University of Washington
Posted
March 18, 2007
There are many stereotypes and only few
certain truths about contemporary Italy. It
is safe to say that good food, art treasures
and unstable governments belong to the
second group. Everyone knows how good
Italian food is, how many art masterpieces
are preserved there and that the average
life of an Italian government is less than a
year. Then it should not even make the news
that last February the center left coalition
led by Romano Prodi, that was running Italy
since last May, fell. The rather large
international echo that the Prime Minister’s
resignation had is indicative that this was
not just another crisis. In fact, Italy
was, and still is, at an important
crossroad, probably the most important since
the end of World War II. In order to
understand why this moment is so crucial for
the future of the country we must look at
what generated this crisis and grasp what is
going on inside the two opposing groups.
The government collapsed on a matter of
foreign policy, specifically two senators
from the center left coalition (who belong
to far left parties) were ideologically
opposed to continue supporting the Italian
mission in Afghanistan. It may sound rather
strange that, at a time when the political
agenda of all parties is more determined by
pragmatism than idealism, a government
collapses because of what we can call, using
a typical cold war phrase, an “opposition to
the US imperialistic view of the world”
(that is how left wing parties see the UN
led mission in Afghanistan). It is a fact
that Prodi, not only has a very thin
majority at the Senate, but that he is also
leading a coalition that is strongly
ideologically divided. Such a fracture is
the inheritance of the old division between
Communist ideology (mainly represented today
by Rifondazione Comunista) and the Catholic
ideology (once represented by the Christian
Democrats and now by the UDC). On the other
hand, the center right coalition led by
Silvio Berlusconi is in no way more
homogeneous, but the four parties that
support it have given up any ideological
belief. Even Alleanza Nazionale (that
counts many supporters from Movimento
Sociale Italiano, which is the name used by
the former fascist party after WWII) gave up
their original rigid belief in law and order
and their strong nationalistic ideology. If
Prodi’s coalition is constituted by so many
parties linked to an old fashioned way of
making politics, we are brought to believe
that Berlusconi represents the new. In
reality, more than the new, Berlusconi
represents the change, that socio-cultural
change that globalization brought to Italy
in the mid ‘90s and that Berlusconi helped
spreading with his powerful commercial TV
stations. His populist rhetoric is
addressed to an audience that is culturally
TV oriented. That is why he had a
relatively easy time convincing the Italians
that he was the real Messiah, the savior of
the country from communism. Some of his
speeches recall in fact the superficial
anti-communism dialogues of some American
movies made during the McCarthy era.
The reality is that, since his arrival on
the political scene in 1993, Berlusconi has
short circuited the political arena with
unconventional behavior and unconventional
politics. He is not your typical adversary,
whom you can fight with the usual rules of
the political game. Amidst embarrassing
statements, stupid jokes and vulgar remarks,
Berlusconi made the Italians believe that he
was just like one of them. He then made them
believe that there was nothing to worry
about the future, because the country was
economically stable, that he was the victim
of a communist conspiracy and that even the
magistrates who were inquiring about his
shady television business were part of that
conspiracy. A year ago he almost succeeded
in making them believe that Prodi stole the
elections. Berlusconi rode a sort of
carpe diem of politics, in which his
motto was “the left wants to make you suffer
and is stealing your money, let’s enjoy the
moment, we are doing so well that it would
be silly to think about the future.” During
his tenure, Berlusconi did not face some of
the most pressing issues of the country
(like balancing the budget and taking care
of the incredibly high public debt) and the
laws that he passed (like the reform of the
university system, immigration, role of
public TV) were marred either by the attempt
to impose and protect his private interests
or simply by sheer ignorance. The perfect
example that actually combines self-interest
and ignorance is the electoral reform that
the Berlusconi government approved just six
months before the 2006 elections. It was
supposed to help the struggling center right
coalition to gain some votes but in the end
it turned out to be just the opposite, and
it actually sealed the victory of the center
left coalition. Interestingly enough, the
senator who sponsored this law (Calderoli)
defined it, in his own words, a porcata
(a shitty law).
At this point, it should be clear why Italy
and the Italians should be scared by what
happened to Prodi. If he does not succeed
in keeping his government alive, Italy is
facing general elections with a law that
everybody believes is not suitable for the
country at this moment. With some major,
hot issues like the expansion of a US
military base in Vicenza and the question of
gay marriages just around the corner, it
does not take a political genius to imagine
that when the Parliament will discuss these
issues Prodi has to throw what in football
would be called a “Hail Mary pass” in order
to keep his coalition alive. Before the
last play of the game, though, the old
Communists and the old Christian Democrats
should take example from the opposition and
wonder if it is not time to face the reality
of XXI century politics: what matters is to
win, not to participate. Prodi’s coalition
must be bold, cynical, and maybe even
arrogant; they must be sure of their means
and have faith in their goals. That is how
great teams win. A victory of the center
left is for the future of the country
because despite the old fashioned ideologies
the various laws promoted by Prodi in nine
months of government are putting Italy back
on the map of Europe as a modern and
fiscally responsible country. Unlike
Berlusconi, whose constant skepticism about
Europe risked isolating Italy from the rest
of the continent—as only happened eighty
years ago—Prodi is trying to move on, to
look ahead and to do away with anything that
keeps Italy anchored to the past (old forms
of nepotism, groups’ interests and
favoritism). That is why Prodi represents
the new and Berlusconi the old.