Europe's
Foreign Policy:
Do they have one?
By
Dean Broadbent
Posted: January 2006
For
hundreds of years, Europe was the center of the world.
In science, technology, the arts and trade, Europe was
the engine driving the development of the modern world.
Such a claim can no longer be made, and Europe is at best
one regional power among several. With the rise of China
and the decline of a world centered on the Atlantic, European
nations are collectively and individually searching for
identity and their place in the world. Domestically this
means dealing with thorny issues of immigration, ethnic
and religious tensions, and an ageing population. But
it is in the field of foreign relations that Europe seeks
to define itself, and where it is trying to play a global
role in a world increasingly crowded with global players.
To
speak of EU foreign policy is to a large extent to speak
of Europe’s foreign policy as an alternative to
the United States’. They compete as models of western
political systems, each proffering its own values and
methods as superior, and foreign policy is the primary
showcase for this. Where the US takes a hard military
line against its perceived enemies in the ‘War on
Terror’ (aided by Britain and several smaller European
countries, it is true), the EU as a whole has tried to
extol the virtues of diplomacy and incentives in place
of threats, ultimatums and use of force. For examples
of this, one only needs to think of France’s and
Germany’s staunch opposition to the Iraq war, and,
more recently, the attempts by the ‘EU3’ –
Germany, France and Britain – to persuade Iran to
abandon any idea of acquiring nuclear weapons. The attempts
may not have been altogether successful, but the fact
that talks are ongoing, whilst the US has no formal relations
with Iran, marks a significant divergence of policies:
soft power versus hard power.
The EU has also sought to use trade to demonstrate its
values (and its difference from the US). It has established
preferred trading relationships with a score of small,
vulnerable communities, such as Palestine, controversially,
as part of an ‘ethical’ trade policy, and
given aid usually without substantial economic conditions
attached. This has been especially true with the Europeans’
former colonies, with each European nation giving extra
preference and aid to those nations it formerly controlled
(a trend that has often irritated the US, such as in the
dispute over banana quotas). The EU also allows tariff-free
access to its markets for the world’s Least Developed
Countries, where the US and Japan do not. The US, in contrast,
has often used trade deals and aid packages as a means
to open up the economies of developing countries, and
to leverage support for its foreign policies. Chile, for
example, almost lost an agreed trade deal as punishment
for its failure to support the Iraq war. It is not a game
always played out with third parties, either; recent years
have seen the EU much more willing to stand up to the
US when its interests are at stake, such as with the ongoing
Airbus/Boeing subsidy drama.
The biggest weapon in the EU’s foreign policy arsenal
is undoubtedly EU membership. Since the collapse of the
Soviet Union, membership of the EU has been the long-term
goal of nearly all the EU’s neighbors, many former
Soviet states. Membership discussions require applicants
to make reforms in human rights, democracy, the rule of
law, protection of minorities, peaceful settlement of
disputes and a functioning market economy – all
those things the US tries so hard to encourage, pressure,
or otherwise force target countries to accept, usually
without a great deal of success – and they are doing
it voluntarily. The prospect of EU membership has been
perhaps a greater force for positive change in the world
over the past fifteen years than anything else. It may
not be able to include the entire world, but if it can
offer membership to countries as different from itself
as Turkey, and perhaps one day with such troublesome history
as Israel and Russia, enlargement may yet hold the key
to Europe’s desire to shape the world once more.